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Showing posts with label teaching truth. Show all posts
Showing posts with label teaching truth. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 1, 2021

Studying history is vital for understanding and transforming the world

 Legacy of Native American Boarding Schools 

by David "Katya" Ketchum | LA Progressive

It’s not a secret that I love studying history; I believe it is a vital discipline for understanding and transforming the world. And as shocking and terrifying as human cruelty has been throughout recorded history, it’s also heartening to observe, time and time again, the movements opposing oppression that have always existed. This is also important to remember if you are tempted to excuse the complicity of people in the past by insisting that they were just products of their time. By studying history, we also become more aware of our own responsibilities and possibilities in the present.

A Legacy of Failure, Cruelty, and War

One of these important historical moments in US history, when there were multiple and large movements to either oppose or work for social justice, followed the American Civil War.

Optimism that Reconstruction would bring about true and lasting healing and change in a nation ravaged and traumatized by the horrors of slavery and war, were combined with optimism that there could be a change in the government’s policies regarding Native peoples.

President Ulysses S. Grant and the events that took place in his administration are a good example of these trends. The Enforcement Acts of 1870 and 1871, for example, were aimed at providing federal support to protect the rights of Black Americans and oppose the Ku Klux Klan. Under the direction of Attorney General Amos Ackerman, hundreds of Klansmen were tried, often by Black juries, and imprisoned. Thousands more received fines or warnings, or even fled to escape prosecution. As a result, the KKK as a formal organization was in wreckage by 1872.

Optimism that Reconstruction would bring about healing were combined with optimism that there could be a change in the government’s policies regarding Native peoples.

At the same time, Grant wanted to find a different approach to US relations with Native peoples. He worked closely with his longtime friend and colleague, Ely S. Parker, and made Parker his Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Parker, whose Native name was Donehogawa, was a member of the Seneca nation and the first Indigenous person to hold the post of Commissioner. Together, they developed policies that included providing federal troops to protect reservation borders from settlers and that ultimately would have provided a pathway to citizenship for Indigenous people.

These plans were vehemently opposed and undermined, and opponents eventually falsely accused Parker of embezzling money. He was exonerated, but Congress stripped power from the office of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and Parker resigned in 1871.

Plans and relationships fell apart, and Grant ended up waging war against the very people he had thought he would protect, including “the Modoc War in 1873, the Red River War in 1874, and the Great Sioux War in 1876.”

By 1885, the year Grant died, Donehogawa, once Grant’s enthusiastic colleague, described the fate of Indigenous peoples in North America. Resisting the racist idea that blamed Indigenous people for their troubles, he wrote:

“The disabilities, disadvantages and wrongs do not result, however, either primarily, consequently or ultimately from their tribal condition and native inheritances, but solely, wholly and absolutely from the unchristian treatment they have always received from Christian white people … . The tenacity with which the remnants of this people have adhered to their tribal organizations and religious traditions is all that has saved them thus far from inevitable extinguishment.”

Grant’s campaign slogan had been “Let us have peace,” and he seemed sincere in his vision to reform federal Indian policies. So how did it happen that, as Alysa Landry pointed out, “some of the worst massacres and grossest injustices in history [occurred] while Ulysses S. Grant was in office”? This is an important question to ask, if we want to avoid the kind of pitfalls that kept others’ from true healing and change.

In Grant’s case, central to his failures was “the development of millions of acres of federal public lands” and “the private acquisition of land by pioneers, spectators and railroad and mining companies,” made possible by Grant’s approval of the Timber Culture, General Mining, and Desert Lands Acts, which all expanded the land available to homesteaders and settlers – at the expense of Native peoples. In the end, Grant’s hopeful slogan, “Let us have peace,” was no match for the reality of expansionism. In Landry’s words,

“Grant realized that his expansionist goals required the removal of Indians from desirable land. His Indian Peace Policy, designed to reform the Indian Bureau and remove corrupt agents, also called for rigorous agricultural training on reservations and established schools and churches that would transform Indians into Christian citizens.”

Cultural Genocide by Another Name

This tension is the US setting for residential schools. Even though some people, like Grant and Donehogawa, wanted to promote and protect the rights of the Original Nations, that hope was always in second place to the relentless westward push of land-grabbing and violent displacement.

A cluster of ideas have especially supported and justified this kind of colonization. First, the dominating power believes in its own superiority. Members of this society, then, are entitled to rule and profit from that superiority, even if it comes at the expense of others.

This is especially the case when the people harmed are categorized as inferior. Moreover, because the dominating power believes in its superiority, it can reframe the harm it causes to others as ultimately in their best interest.

Those that survive will reap the benefits of being assimilated into the superior culture. It’s a tidy system that excused hundreds of years of oppression and continues to do so today.

The residential school emphasis on agricultural training, education, and conversion fits this pattern. But forced assimilation could only be viewed as moral and good from the vantage point of superiority.

Unfortunately, the settlers of North America never lacked that character trait. Captain Richard H. Pratt, who was a founder and superintendent of the infamous Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania, gave a speech in 1892 that showed how a person could justify even the most cruel actions under the guise of racist and paternalistic generosity and care. He began by stating that:

“A great general has said that the only good Indian is a dead one, and that high sanction of his destruction has been an enormous factor in promoting Indian massacres. In a sense, I agree with the sentiment, but only in this: that all the Indian there is in the race should be dead. Kill the Indian in him, and save the man.”

Amazingly and horrifyingly, Pratt would then use the enslavement of Africans as a positive example of how assimilation could work. Rather than recognize the courage, persistence, creativity, and love that marked Black resistance to slavery and its descendants, such as Jim Crow and mass incarceration, Pratt gave all the credit to the White people who enslaved them. In Pratt’s view, “the care and authority of individuals of the higher race” was a blessing in disguise.

“Horrible as were the experiences … of slavery itself, there was concealed in them the greatest blessing that ever came to the Negro race—seven millions of blacks from cannibalism in darkest Africa to citizenship in free and enlightened America … .” (ibid)

In contrast, Pratt saw the wars fought against Native peoples and concluded that forced assimilation was more effective. “We have never made any attempt to civilize them with the idea of taking them into the nation,” Pratt wrote, “and all of our policies have been against citizenizing and absorbing them.” Boarding schools were Pratt’s answer:

“It is a great mistake to think that the Indian is born an inevitable savage. He is born a blank, like all the rest of us. … Transfer the infant white to the savage surroundings, he will grow to possess a savage language, superstition, and habit. Transfer the savage-born infant to the surroundings of civilization, and he will grow to possess a civilized language and habit.” (ibid)

This is what White supremacy looks like, dressed up in schoolmaster’s robes. The unmistakable goal was to eliminate Indigenous nations, communities, customs, languages, and life.

Friday, September 24, 2021

What’s standing in the way of teaching about residential schools?



St. John’s Indian Residential School in Chapleau, Ont., June 1941. Library and Archives Canada

Unearthing the unmarked children’s graves on or near former Canadian Indigenous residential schools could well be the tipping point. Since the June 2021 revelations at Kamloops Indian Residential School, the broader public has finally been engaged and it has injected a sense of urgency into the movement to integrate that shameful legacy into social studies K-12 curricula from province-to-province across Canada.

Newly awakened citizens are now realizing that their education never included curriculum or discussion about residential schools and their horrible legacy. That was definitely true 25 years ago, but less common today because of gradual, incremental changes in provincial social studies curricula. The massive Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) report in 2015 made teaching this history one of its highest-priority calls to action – a move that inspired a wave of First Nations, Métis and Inuit (FNMI) curriculum initiatives. Gauging the actual reach and effect of such projects is worthy of much closer scrutiny.

Mandating curriculum change does not necessarily lead to effective, consistent or discernable modifications in teaching practice. Implementation challenges can thwart policy guidelines and directives (as Michael Fullan’s book illustrates) and it’s critical to assess the gaps between the official curricula, the recently commissioned teaching resources, compulsory course offerings and the actual received curricula. The Ontario experience in integrating First Nation, Métis and Inuit (FNMI) perspectives and content into the curriculum is a case in point.

Since the TRC report, provincial and territorial governments have been entrusted with a very specific mandate – to make the history of residential schools, treaties, and historical and contemporary contributions of First Nations, Métis and Inuit a mandatory educational requirement for all kindergarten to Grade 12 students. While it emanated from the TRC, the whole idea of teaching independent, elective FNMI-focused courses and cross-curricular perspectives was hardly new to most people familiar with social studies curricula.

The Ontario Ministry of Education has invested considerable time, energy and resources into the creation and implementation of a native studies high school curriculum from the early 1970s onward. Its initial iteration, the 1975 People of Native Ancestry (PONA) curriculum guide and documents, was largely part of the Indigenous cultural revival that swept Canada after the first wave of closures of the residential schools. That curriculum was also created after the passage of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, in collaboration with Indigenous advisers and educators.

The fundamental shortcoming of Ontario’s PONA initiative was that it was entirely focused on creating and implementing a self-standing set of optional social studies courses. It was never a required component of the curricula and it was never mandatory and never integrated with other parts of Canadian history. By the fall of 1999, the provincial curricula had expanded to a suite of 10 individual native studies courses spanning grades 9 to 12. While the initial native studies courses were innovative at the time, they were offered in only 39 Ontario high schools and in significant numbers of actual courses in only four of those schools between 1999 and 2006. Furthermore, proposals to offer several of the courses, in part, in the Indigenous language were essentially shot down by federal authorities in Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC), which was more committed to advancing English literacy and raising graduation rates.

Faced with growing public demand in Ontario for improved Indigenous education, the Ministry of Education responded in 2006 with a new, broader strategy known as the Ontario First Nation, Métis and Inuit (FNMI) Policy Framework intended to expand native studies content in schools across the province. It proposed the implementation of “quality Native Studies education,” to Indigenous and non-Indigenous students, with the aspirational goal of raising the awareness of all Ontarians of Indigenous perspectives, histories and cultures.

Indigenous residential schools began to pop up in Ontario classroom resources. From 2000 onward, Ontario’s core history textbooks such as The Canadian Challenge started to include short references to the Indigenous residential schools, and that expanded following then-prime minister Stephen Harper’s 2008 formal apology for the abuses that students suffered in Canada’s residential schools.

One of the most widely used textbooks, Creating Canada: A History of Canada – 1914 to the Present, identified the abuses, referenced the 2006 financial compensation package, featured Harper’s apology and gave expression to rising demands for further initiatives addressing unresolved problems affecting Canada’s Indigenous peoples.

Yet Ontario’s 2007 FNMI curriculum initiative fell short of achieving its rather lofty objectives. No target dates were set for implementation in all schools and critics pounced on the policy’s more-explicit commitment to raising Indigenous student outcomes and graduation rates. Nurturing of the revitalization of Indigenous cultures took a back seat to what were labelled “neo-liberal” educational goals for FNMI students. The policy’s stated key priority lent credence to such claims. That was to, in the words of the document, “close the gap between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal students in the areas of literacy and numeracy, retention of students in school, graduation rates, and advancement to postsecondary studies” by the year 2016.

Educating students about Indigenous concerns and fostering cultural sensitivity may have been goals of the FMNI curriculum, but there was no explicit commitment nor benchmarks for assessing progress. Greater funding from 2006 to 2010 did increase the number of schools offering native studies courses to 267 from 51, with course offerings jumping to 478 from 75, and more school boards providing the courses. The number of students enrolled in the courses rose from slightly more than 2,200 in 2007-08 (or 0.31 per cent of all high school students) to 716,103 or 1.14 per cent by 2009-10. But that’s still less than the proportion of Ontarians of Indigenous origins, which is estimated at 2 per cent.

Training teachers to work collaboratively with Indigenous communities also became a problem. Small enrolment courses did not prove financially sustainable, so in 2011 the minimum number of enrolled students per course was doubled to 12 from six. Even academic allies such as Queen’s University researcher and Métis scholar P.J.A. Chaput mused about whether the courses were still too dependent on provincial funding to be sustainable long term in Ontario.

The pattern of implementation and uptake was remarkably similar in Alberta. The Alberta Education Department made the teaching of Indigenous perspectives a key pillar of the 2005 social studies curriculum. Provincial mandates like this are often met with teacher ambivalence, if not passive resistance. One 2013 small-sample study of the FNMI initiative, conducted by University of Calgary education professor David Scott and involving five teachers, demonstrated that they had mostly brushed aside the mandate.

The Edmonton Indian Residential School, St. Albert, Alberta, date unknown. Credit: Library and Archives Canada.

A more recent July 2018 article, examining Alberta social studies teachers’ resistance to teaching Indigenous perspectives provided an assessment of why, after 18 years, educators in Alberta were still reluctant or resistant to making the changes. Scott and Raphaël Gani neatly summarized the three most common rationales:

  • No perspectives can be identified because of the highly diverse nature of Indigenous Peoples and their communities;
  • Only educators who are Indigenous can authentically offer insights into or teach Aboriginal perspectives;
  • Prioritizing Indigenous perspectives is problematic because “all perspectives deserve equal treatment.”

Such explanations, according to Scott and Gani, actually masked a more-encompassing explanation and that is that most social studies educators embrace worldviews and apply curricular frameworks that preclude integrating FNMI perspectives. If and when the history of Indigenous residential schools is taught, it is in isolation or simply in passing because it is not central to the theme or prevailing narrative in social studies curricula.

Ontario’s latest curriculum revision in 2018 put renewed focus on implementing the TRC calls to action through a revamped First Nations, Métis and Inuit (FNMI) Studies curriculum. Beginning in 2019, native studies was supplanted by the FNMI curriculum with an emphasis on a broader range of learning outcomes, tilting more to social and emotional well-being. A new youth development framework, Stepping Stones, was adopted that de-emphasized improved academic outcomes. Appropriating such models from modern social psychology and youth development may well prove equally problematic because they are drawn from outside the realm of Indigenous wisdom and experience.

Indigenous education researchers Lindsay Morcom and Kate Freeman of Queen’s University’s faculty of education would likely prefer a model encompassing a more unique Indigenous philosophy, worldview, culture, and spirituality. One such model drawn from Anishinaabe tradition is known as the “Medicine Wheel and the Seven Grandfather Teachings.” Those seven grandfather teachings are a set of characteristics that guide us on how we can live a good life, or mino-bimaadiziwin, and embrace a set of core values: honesty, humility, respect, bravery, wisdom, truth and love.

They are also intimately connected to the medicine wheel, a three-dimensional sacred cosmology involving the four directions, the sky, the earth and the centre. The curriculum initiatives, however well-intended, can exemplify teaching that runs counter to Indigenous knowledge and ways of knowing.

Teaching units including FNMI topics and perspectives are now more common in mainstream courses in the latest Ontario curriculum from grades one to 10. Ontario’s new FNMI curriculum (grades nine to 12), revised in 2019, is, in many ways exemplary because it offers a comprehensive, detailed, historically sound and fairly challenging set of 10 high school social studies and English courses. The introductory course, First Nations, Métis and Inuit in Canada, focusing on historical inquiry and skill development, delves into the history of Indigenous peoples from pre-contact to the present day, including residential schools. The program culminates in a very rigorous and up-to-date set of courses focusing on Indigenous issues and perspectives and a more civics-oriented sequel on Indigenous governance in Canada.

There’s one big problem – none of the new courses is mandatory for Ontario high school students.
While that was the original intention of the previous Liberal government of Kathleen Wynne, incoming Conservative Education Minister Lisa Thompson reversed that commitment in May 2019. While three of the courses may be substituted for compulsory credits, those decisions are left up to regional school boards.

Two decades after the advent of the initial Ontario native studies courses, the status quo still prevails in Indigenous education. While residential schools are in the current curriculum, it is still entirely possible for students to graduate from high school in Ontario without exposure to a more-detailed analysis of the residential school tragedy and its enduring impact.

SOURCE

Monday, September 28, 2015

Truth and Reconciliation Commission BIG STRIDES to #TEACHTRUTH

Commission chairman Justice Murray Sinclair, centre, and fellow commissioners Marie Wilson, right, and Wilton Littlechild discuss the commission's report on Canada's residential school system at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Ottawa on Tuesday, June 2, 2015. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press)

TRC findings on residential schools to be used in Yukon classrooms

'This is Canadian public history,' says TRC commissioner about making materials public domain

CBC News Posted: Sep 27, 2015 

Students in Yukon will be learning more about residential schools this year.

Yukon schools will be using material prepared by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Commissioner Marie Wilson said the recordings made by the TRC  belong to all Canadians, which is why the TRC is putting its material online and in the public domain.

"This is Canadian public history and is really essential," she said.  

Anyone can reproduce the material, make physical copies of books or create publications with survivors' stories.

Different publishing houses are already adapting the TRC's material

"I think the point of it all is that there's no one publication that tells the whole story," Wilson said.

Making the material available for free also saves money, Wilson said. "In Ottawa we had 500 copies of things that we prioritized in sharing out with survivors who were there," she said.

"We can't say that we've provided enough copies for the 70,000 survivors that are alive today, not for all the schools."

In Yukon, the department of education has already worked with the Tr'ondëk Hwëch'in First Nation to produce a hard copy book called Finding Our Way Home.

MORE:

The Department of Education says it will use TRC materials in classrooms this year. The department established a Grade 10 Social Studies unit on residential schools last year.

The book Survivors Speak and other titles can be downloaded for free from the TRC website.

A sense of relief and a sense of accomplishment is how Dene National Chief Bill Erasmus described the mood in Ottawa as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its 94 recommendations on how the country can move forward after residential schools.
Judy Gingell
Judy Gingell, an executive elder for Kwanlin Dün First Nation and a former Commissioner of Yukon, says she agrees with the TRC panel's recommendations and says education is essential to true reconciliation. (CBC)


Now that the truth is out, it's up to Canadians to take on the role of reconciliation.
"All Canadians have a personal responsibility to learn about this time in Canadian history," she said in a statement. "Before reconciliation can truly move ahead, we all need to know the truth of what happened."

It's estimated between 3,000 and 4,000 Inuit from Nunavut attended residential schools.
Therese Ukaliannuk
Therese Ukaliannuk of Igloolik, Nunavut, says her 6-year-old daughter was taken to residential school while she was in the south with tuberculosis. She never saw her daughter again, or learned where she was buried. (CBC)

"We still have much grieving to do for this time in our lives and our families and our history, and must continue to work to find ways to heal and move on to healthier futures," Towtongie said.  

In a news release, the Makivik Corporation said it is pleased with the TRC's work and its final report and recommendations.

"Now we have been given the whole story and a blueprint to recovery. Let's do it," said Jobie Tukkiapik, Makivik Corporation president, in the release.

Therese Ukaliannuk, an elder from Igloolik, Nunavut, who now lives in Iqaluit, told her story to Igalaaq host Madeleine Allakariallak in Inuktitut.

Ukaliannuk's six-year-old daughter was sent south to residential school while she herself was in the south receiving treatment for tuberculosis. The little girl never returned.
Her mother never learned where she is buried.



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