With the reply briefs filed yesterday, all of the briefing
is completed in the Supreme Court case Haaland v. Brackeen. Oral
argument will be at the Court on November 9th. There will be a decision
before the end of June, 2023, though there's no good way to determine
when that will arrive other than that.
It’s
not a secret that I love studying history; I believe it is a vital
discipline for understanding and transforming the world. And as shocking
and terrifying as human cruelty has been throughout recorded history,
it’s also heartening to observe, time and time again, the movements
opposing oppression that have always existed. This is also important to
remember if you are tempted to excuse the complicity of people in the
past by insisting that they were just products of their time. By
studying history, we also become more aware of our own responsibilities
and possibilities in the present.
A Legacy of Failure, Cruelty, and War
One
of these important historical moments in US history, when there were
multiple and large movements to either oppose or work for social
justice, followed the American Civil War.
Optimism that
Reconstruction would bring about true and lasting healing and change in a
nation ravaged and traumatized by the horrors of slavery and war, were
combined with optimism that there could be a change in the government’s
policies regarding Native peoples.
President Ulysses S. Grant and
the events that took place in his administration are a good example of
these trends. The Enforcement Acts of 1870 and 1871, for example, were
aimed at providing federal support to protect the rights of Black
Americans and oppose the Ku Klux Klan.
Under the direction of Attorney General Amos Ackerman, hundreds of
Klansmen were tried, often by Black juries, and imprisoned. Thousands
more received fines or warnings, or even fled to escape prosecution. As a
result, the KKK as a formal organization was in wreckage by 1872.
Optimism
that Reconstruction would bring about healing were combined with
optimism that there could be a change in the government’s policies
regarding Native peoples.
At
the same time, Grant wanted to find a different approach to US
relations with Native peoples. He worked closely with his longtime
friend and colleague, Ely S. Parker, and made Parker his Commissioner of
Indian Affairs. Parker, whose Native name was Donehogawa, was a member
of the Seneca nation and the first Indigenous person to hold the post of
Commissioner. Together, they developed policies that included providing
federal troops to protect reservation borders from settlers and that
ultimately would have provided a pathway to citizenship for Indigenous
people.
These plans were vehemently opposed and undermined, and
opponents eventually falsely accused Parker of embezzling money. He was
exonerated, but Congress stripped power from the office of Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, and Parker resigned in 1871.
Plans and relationships fell apart,
and Grant ended up waging war against the very people he had thought he
would protect, including “the Modoc War in 1873, the Red River War in
1874, and the Great Sioux War in 1876.”
By 1885, the year Grant
died, Donehogawa, once Grant’s enthusiastic colleague, described the
fate of Indigenous peoples in North America. Resisting the racist idea
that blamed Indigenous people for their troubles, he wrote:
“The
disabilities, disadvantages and wrongs do not result, however, either
primarily, consequently or ultimately from their tribal condition and
native inheritances, but solely, wholly and absolutely from the
unchristian treatment they have always received from Christian white
people … . The tenacity with which the remnants of this people have
adhered to their tribal organizations and religious traditions is all
that has saved them thus far from inevitable extinguishment.”
Grant’s
campaign slogan had been “Let us have peace,” and he seemed sincere in
his vision to reform federal Indian policies. So how did it happen that,
as Alysa Landry pointed out, “some of the worst massacres and grossest
injustices in history [occurred] while Ulysses S. Grant was in office”?
This is an important question to ask, if we want to avoid the kind of
pitfalls that kept others’ from true healing and change.
In
Grant’s case, central to his failures was “the development of millions
of acres of federal public lands” and “the private acquisition of land
by pioneers, spectators and railroad and mining companies,” made
possible by Grant’s approval of the Timber Culture, General Mining, and
Desert Lands Acts, which all expanded the land available to homesteaders
and settlers – at the expense of Native peoples. In the end, Grant’s
hopeful slogan, “Let us have peace,” was no match for the reality of
expansionism. In Landry’s words,
“Grant
realized that his expansionist goals required the removal of Indians
from desirable land. His Indian Peace Policy, designed to reform the
Indian Bureau and remove corrupt agents, also called for rigorous
agricultural training on reservations and established schools and
churches that would transform Indians into Christian citizens.”
Cultural Genocide by Another Name
This
tension is the US setting for residential schools. Even though some
people, like Grant and Donehogawa, wanted to promote and protect the
rights of the Original Nations, that hope was always in second place to
the relentless westward push of land-grabbing and violent displacement.
A
cluster of ideas have especially supported and justified this kind of
colonization. First, the dominating power believes in its own
superiority. Members of this society, then, are entitled to rule and
profit from that superiority, even if it comes at the expense of others.
This
is especially the case when the people harmed are categorized as
inferior. Moreover, because the dominating power believes in its
superiority, it can reframe the harm it causes to others as ultimately
in their best interest.
Those that survive will reap the benefits
of being assimilated into the superior culture. It’s a tidy system that
excused hundreds of years of oppression and continues to do so today.
The
residential school emphasis on agricultural training, education, and
conversion fits this pattern. But forced assimilation could only be
viewed as moral and good from the vantage point of superiority.
Unfortunately, the settlers of North America never lacked that character trait. Captain Richard H. Pratt,
who was a founder and superintendent of the infamous Carlisle Indian
Industrial School in Pennsylvania, gave a speech in 1892 that showed how
a person could justify even the most cruel actions under the guise of
racist and paternalistic generosity and care. He began by stating that:
“A
great general has said that the only good Indian is a dead one, and
that high sanction of his destruction has been an enormous factor in
promoting Indian massacres. In a sense, I agree with the sentiment, but
only in this: that all the Indian there is in the race should be dead.
Kill the Indian in him, and save the man.”
Amazingly
and horrifyingly, Pratt would then use the enslavement of Africans as a
positive example of how assimilation could work. Rather than recognize
the courage, persistence, creativity, and love that marked Black
resistance to slavery and its descendants, such as Jim Crow and mass
incarceration, Pratt gave all the credit to the White people who
enslaved them. In Pratt’s view, “the care and authority of individuals
of the higher race” was a blessing in disguise.
“Horrible
as were the experiences … of slavery itself, there was concealed in
them the greatest blessing that ever came to the Negro race—seven
millions of blacks from cannibalism in darkest Africa to citizenship in
free and enlightened America … .” (ibid)
In contrast,
Pratt saw the wars fought against Native peoples and concluded that
forced assimilation was more effective. “We have never made any attempt
to civilize them with the idea of taking them into the nation,” Pratt
wrote, “and all of our policies have been against citizenizing and
absorbing them.” Boarding schools were Pratt’s answer:
“It is a
great mistake to think that the Indian is born an inevitable savage. He
is born a blank, like all the rest of us. … Transfer the infant white to
the savage surroundings, he will grow to possess a savage language,
superstition, and habit. Transfer the savage-born infant to the
surroundings of civilization, and he will grow to possess a civilized
language and habit.” (ibid)
This is what White supremacy looks
like, dressed up in schoolmaster’s robes. The unmistakable goal was to
eliminate Indigenous nations, communities, customs, languages, and life.
Don Lemon Wasn’t Having Any Of Rick Santorum’s Comments About Native History on CNN
“Did he actually think it was a good idea for him to come on television and whitewash the whitewash that he whitewashed?”
By Kavish Harjai | 5/4/2021
CNN anchor Don Lemon discusses his reaction to Rick Santorum's May 3, 2021, appearance on "Cuomo Prime Time." | CNN
CNN
anchor Don Lemon apologized to viewers after former Republican lawmaker
Rick Santorum discussed his recent controversial comments about the
nation’s founding on Chris Cuomo’s show. Lemon called the appearance
“horrible and insulting.”
“Europeans
did not found this country,” Lemon said after Cuomo interviewed
Santorum on Wednesday night. “It was here. The Native Americans had this
country before the Europeans came.”
Santorum,
a Republican politician and CNN commentator, made historically
inaccurate and racist comments during a speech in April to Young
America’s Foundation, a conservative youth group. During his speech,
Santorum said he doesn’t “know of any country in the world that was
settled predominantly by people who are coming to practice their faith.”
“They
came here mostly from Europe and they set up a country that was based
on Judeo-Christian principles,” the former U.S. senator and Republican
presidential candidate continued during the speech. He went on to say
that European colonizers “birthed a nation from nothing,” and that even
though Native Americans already inhabited the land,“there isn’t much
Native American culture in American culture.”
On May 3, during “Cuomo Prime Time,” the CNN anchor pressed Santorum about his comments.
“This seemed like you were trying to erase diversity in the interest of some white Christian right,” Cuomo said.
Santorum attempted to correct his statements but offered no apology.
"Just to be clear, what I was not saying is that Native American culture — I misspoke,” Santorum said, stumbling over his words.
Santorum
said he was trying to articulate that U.S. founding documents,
including the Constitution and Declaration of Independence, were
“created anew.”
“I
was not trying to dismiss Native Americans,” Santorum said to Cuomo.
“The way we treated Native Americans was horrific. It goes against
everything I ever fought for.”
The Native American Journalists Association put out a statement
following Rick Santorum’s initial speech, calling on CNN “to immediately
dismiss” him. It also urged its members to “avoid working” with CNN and
implored advertisers to stop supporting the network.
Fawn Sharp, president of the National Congress of American Indians, echoed NAJA’s calls for Santorum’s dismissal and enumerated the reasons that Santorum’s comments were factually incorrect.
"What
European colonizers found in the Americas were thousands of complex,
sophisticated, and sovereign Tribal Nations, each with millennia of
distinct cultural, spiritual and technological development,” Sharp wrote
in a piece for Native News Online.
The
contributions of Native Americans are plenty and consequential, Sharp
wrote. They cultivated plants, like cotton, rubber, and tobacco, and
developed the concept of environmentalism.
"No
idea is more fundamentally Native American and more explicitly spread
by Native American peoples,” Sharp wrote. “There would be no National
Park system without Native American influence.”
As Americans tussle with the idea of financial and institutional reparations, insight can be gained from other movements that have sought to redress historic injustices. One such injustice was the removal of more than 200,000 skeletons, millions of grave goods, and thousands of sacred objects—stolen from Native Americans.
Calvin
Coolidge and Native American group at White House a year after they
were given the right to vote in the Indian Citizenship Act. The Library of Congress
Do
U.S. citizenship and voting rights go hand and hand? For most of the
country’s history, the answer has been no—just look at the example of
Native voting rights, which weren’t secured in all states until the
1960s. Native Americans couldn’t be U.S. citizens when the country
ratified its Constitution in 1788, and wouldn’t win the right to be for
136 years. When black Americans won citizenship with the 14th Amendment in 1868, the government specifically interpreted the law so it didn’t apply to Native people.
On a cool May day in 1758,
a 10-year girl with red hair and freckles was caring for her neighbor’s
children in rural western Pennsylvania. In a few moments, Mary
Campbell’s life changed forever when Delaware Indians kidnapped her and
absorbed her into their community for the next six years. She became the
first of some 200 known cases of white captives, many of whom became
pawns in an ongoing power struggle that included European powers,
American colonists and indigenous peoples straining to maintain their
population, their land and way of life.
While Mary was ultimately
returned to her white family—and some evidence points to her having
lived happily with her adopted Indian tribe—stories such as hers became a
cautionary tale among white settlers, stoking fear of “savage” Indians
and creating a paranoia that escalated into all-out Indian hating.
A group of Native Americans look at a sailing ship in the bay below them. (Credit: Corbis/Getty Images)
From
the time Europeans arrived on American shores, the frontier—the edge
territory between white man’s civilization and the untamed natural
world—became a shared space of vast, clashing differences that led the
U.S. government to authorize over 1,500 wars, attacks and raids on
Indians, the most of any country in the world against its indigenous
people. By the close of the Indian Wars
in the late 19th century, fewer than 238,000 indigenous people
remained, a sharp decline from the estimated 5 million to 15 million
living in North America when Columbus arrived in 1492.
+
Battle of White Bird Canyon: For the historian in you..there are many interesting narratives about this “first fight of the Nez Perce”; here is one of them.
In the late 1800s, the world was a lot
deadlier. Almost one in five babies in the United States died before
childhood — which was an improvement from the previous decades. At the
turn of the century, 19 out of 20 births were still happening at home.
Incubator baby show? Who was Dr. Couney?
Some carnival showmen bought
knock-off incubator machines based on Lion’s design and started charging entry to
their own premature baby shows. But raising a baby is not easy, and most
of them got out of the business quickly. One showman, however, was
hooked on this idea. In 1897, Dr. Martin Couney
put on his first incubator baby show in London. Unlike the other
showmen, Couney’s show had more of a refined air. He hired nurses to
hold the babies and feed them breastmilk. The show was a hit so Dr.
Couney decided to give it a try in the United States at the Omaha
World’s Fair.
Won’t Somebody Please Think of the Children?!
In the spring of 1905, Couney
traveled to Chicago, Denver, and Minneapolis to set up new exhibits.
While the new exhibits made Dr. Couney rich, he also made a lot of
decisions not driven by profit. Saving babies became Dr. Couney’s
mission, as he would tell many colleagues. In
his travels, Couney would often wine and dine other doctors, and give
them demonstrations of the incubators. On multiple occasions, Dr. Couney
tried to donate his incubators to local health departments after the
local fair was over, but no one would take them. Doctors had all sorts of reasons for
rejecting the technology. One reason was the disgraceful influence of
the Eugenics Movement. In 1901, an anonymous editorial made the rounds
in medical journals, disparaging the incubators. The author wrote that
the human race suffered by keeping alive babies who the medical
community literally referred to as “weaklings”. The author lamented
Couney’s babies would “transmit their deficiencies, deformities and
vices” to the next generation. Eugenics was hateful pseudoscience. And
it was not a fringe movement. A lot of the fairs where Couney showed his
babies also featured eugenics exhibits.
Dreamland at Coney Island after fire in 1911There were lots of other concerns
about Couney’s approach. Many were concerned that amusement parks
weren’t safe. One time in 1911, a Coney Island park with one of Couney’s
shows went up in flames. The staff of doctors and nurses were able to
save all the babies, but the incident only solidified the fear that
these parks were too hazardous. Many of the parks were built quickly and
were pretty shoddy. Four years earlier, a different park at Coney
Island also burned down, and it burned down again in 1936 and again in
1939. Luna Park burned down in 1944. Around this time, amusement parks
all over the country were going up in flames. Beyond
the safety concerns, there’s something deeply unsettling to modern eyes
about the whole concept of incubator sideshows.
Today, it’s clear that
putting babies on display and profiting off of them is exploitative. In
many ways, Couney’s exhibits were in line with some of the worst parts
of amusement parks and World’s Fairs. In addition to the rides, many
fairs and parks had “ethnological villages”, where Native Americans or
people from faraway nations would live on-site in stereotyped
caricatures of their homes. Some were literally caged and incarcerated
on the grounds, with no record of payment. On a lot of midways, there
was a despicable willingness to exploit human life for the entertainment
of others. Charging money to see tiny infants was a small part of
that.
A recent report shows that 87% of state history standards include no mention of Native American history after 1900.
MINNEAPOLIS—On the heels of the National Indian Education Association's conference held in Minneapolis earlier this fall and just in time for Native American Heritage Month (in November), the nearby Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux Community announced a $5 million philanthropic campaign to fund resources, curriculum, and training on Native American heritage for teachers and administrators across Minnesota, according to the Star Tribune. "We're hoping we can move the needle in the narrative in Minnesota and be a model," Rebecca Crooks-Stratton, the secretary-treasurer for SMSC, told the newspaper.
A recent report by the National Congress of American Indians highlights the need for initiatives like SMSC's. Summarizing states' efforts to bring content about indigenous peoples and communities into K-12 classrooms across the country, the report found that 87% of state history standards include no mention of Native American history after 1900, and 27 states don't mention Native Americans in their K-12 curriculum.
However, 90% of states surveyed reported that they are working to improve the quality of and access to Native American education curriculum, and a majority of states indicated that Native American education is already included in their content standards, although far fewer require it be taught in public schools. Despite a dearth of requirements, educators don't have to wait for a state mandate to begin integrating Native American studies into their coursework, no matter their subject.
We've said it before and we'll say it again. Children raised by their families and tribal communities is in the best interest of Native children. #ICWA#NativeChildrenhttps://t.co/HeEzlOApX5
Forty years ago, three in 10 Indian children were taken from their families.
October 9, 2018 | Christie Renick
The United States’ first family separation policy removed one-third of all American Indian children from their families and tribes.
In the late 1960s, while employed by the Association on American Indian Affairs (AAIA), a New York-based attorney named Bertram Hirsch was sent to North Dakota to assist with a kinship dispute case on behalf of the Spirit Lake Tribe. Child welfare workers were forcibly removing children from family members and placing them in white homes, sometimes out of state. One grandmother had even been jailed after refusing to give up her grandchildren.
At the time, Hirsch says, he had no idea that an alarming number of American Indian children were being taken from their families and permanently placed in homes with white parents.
But as he worked on the Spirit Lake case, he began to understand the scope of the problem. And by the time 1969 rolled around, he and the AAIA were deeply engaged in a nationwide data collection project that had him contacting every foster care or adoption agency and institution he could find. He surveyed the Bureau of Indian Affairs, which had the authority to place children at that time, and state social services departments as well as juvenile probation facilities. Hirsch’s research found that somewhere between 25 and 35 percent of all American Indian children had been placed in adoptive homes, foster homes or institutions.
Around 90 percent of those children were being raised by non-Indians.
Many would never see their biological families again.
By the end of 1978, Hirsch had conducted his audit twice. Congressional commissions had convened in Washington numerous times, gathering hundreds of hours of testimony on the government’s egregious treatment of American Indian communities.
In its report to Congress, a task force said,
“The removal of Indian children from their natural homes and tribal setting has been and continues to be a national crisis.”
The government-sanctioned removals were a wound for Native families and tribes that would be torn raw with each new generation.
Hirsch, along with two Congressional staffers, wrote and rewrote a bill to shield American Indian youth from being removed from their families and tribes. A culmination of what Hirsch describes as a huge grassroots effort spanning 11 years and involving thousands of people across the country, the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) was passed at the 11th hour, just before the 95th Congress would come to a close, on October 24, 1978.
“If we didn’t get it passed in the 95th,” Hirsch said, “I’m not sure it ever would have passed.”
ICWA defined the political relationship between two sovereigns – tribes and states. It designated that tribes can and must act as parents for their children, just as states do with non-Native children, when biological parents cannot. And it required that preference be given to tribal communities when children must be removed from their homes.
But 40 years later, states still don’t fully understand ICWA. One judge described ICWA as the most ignored federal law in the history of this country.
The federal government has no ICWA data reporting requirements in place.Caseworkers and attorneys have been reported as viewing ICWA compliance as optional. Notice to tribes that an Indian child has entered foster care has been delayed by as many as four years, tribes have said.
And just last week, a federal district court judge ruled that the law was unconstitutional, rendering the fate of ICWA uncertain.
Beginning in 1916, the U.S. Children's Bureau
brought its baby-week campaign to thousands of cities, towns,
and rural communities across the United States. The photograph above was
taken during a baby-week celebration on an Indian reservation.
The Adoption Resource
Exchange of North America (ARENA), founded in 1966, was the immediate
successor to the Indian Adoption Project. ARENA was the first national
adoption resource exchange devoted to finding homes
for hard-to-place children. It continued the practice of placing
Native American children with white adoptive parents for a number of
years in the early 1970s. (It's estimated some 20,000 children were
removed from their First Nations families and sent
to non-Native parents in the US.)
1966
The National Adoption Resource
Exchange, later renamed the Adoption Resource Exchange of North America
(ARENA), was established as an outgrowth of the Indian
Adoption Project.
Quote: ARNOLD LYSLO, DIRECTOR, INDIAN ADOPTION PROJECT 12/1962
Indian children have
certain rights which are theirs by birthright. That is, they have rights
of tribal enrollment if they meet the requirements for enrollment set
up by the tribe. As tribal members they have the
right to share in all the assets of the tribe which are distributed on a
per capita basis. The actual as well as anticipated benefits of an
Indian child adopted through our Project are furnished by the Secretary
of Interior. The Secretary of Interior, through
the superintendent of the Indian agency where the child is enrolled, has
the right to approve or disapprove of any plan made for the
distribution of funds belonging to an Indian child.
Editor Note: Even though Lyslo said
we have rights, we are still taken from our tribes and placed in
non-Indian families - which is part and parcel of a genocide program.
And maybe those non-Indian parents adopted us for the
money we could earn as tribal members...Poverty was often cited as the
reason for removal - so who caused the poverty?? - we know the
answer...
This post is about the government sanctioned Indian Adoption Project when adoptive parents were questioned over a period of years. It was a study. Who did they ask? Not the adoptee. But there were many projects and many churches who ran adoption programs... More than just this Indian Adoption Project... Trace
In the 1760s, the government in Britain was taking a new approach to its
vast colonial holdings, and in 1763, colonial governors and tribal
leaders met in Fort Augusta, Georgia, for the first of 10 congresses at
which they negotiated a geographic separation. The king had ordered that
there should be a limit to colonial expansion—if a tribe claimed a
stretch of land, a colonial governor was not supposed to grant it to
settlers. The Fort Augusta meeting began with the tribal representatives
describing what they believed to be the extent of their territory. Over
the course of several congresses, the diplomats agreed on a boundary
between tribal lands and the seaboard colonies. This negotiated line was
supposed to limit conflict for the foreseeable future.
The
Royal Proclamation of 1763 was issued October 7, 1763, by King George
III following Great Britain's acquisition of French territory in North
America after the end of the French and Indian War/Seven Years' War,
which forbade all settlement past a line drawn along the Appalachian
WASHINGTON – On June 15, 2017, at its Mid‐Year Conference in Connecticut, the
National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) adopted a resolution,
sponsored by the Chickasaw Nation, encouraging American Indian and
Alaska Native Tribal Nations, families, and descendants to provide
information on children who never returned home from Indian Boarding
Schools.
Autumn, the beginning of the school
year, is the cruelest season for Native American students in the United States.
Between sports games where entire crowds chant about "redskins" and
other school mascots and the federal holiday of the Indian-killing mercenary
Christopher Columbus, there is the misguided national celebration of
"Thanksgiving" to mark the arrival of the religious Europeans, who
set the stage for Native American genocide.
These rituals dominate the first
months of school, putting Native children in their place, holding up the
traditions of white children, and championing the ideals of white supremacy and
imperialism. As November's recognition of Native American Heritage Month ends,
educators should resist the urge to regurgitate the usual narrative and instead
discuss the reality of life, historical and current, for the more than 600,000 Native American students in our nation's
K-12 public schools.
In researching and writing "All
the Real Indians Died Off," our book about Native American myths and
misconceptions, my co-author Dina Gilio-Whitaker and I were aware of how these
Native American stereotypes affect all children in schools today. Internalizing
harmful images most acutely damages Native children, but absorbing racist and
dehumanizing ideas about fellow classmates also diminishes the understanding
and compassion of non-Native children, warping their conception of a history
that often erases Native Americans altogether.
Sadly, the education system lies at
the heart of maintaining the erasure of Native Americans. Native children have
been miseducated for generations under deliberately repressive federal policy,
and all children in public schools are miseducated in U.S. and Native history.
Education scholar Timothy Lintner wrote that U.S. history classrooms "are
not neutral; they are contested arenas where legitimacy and hegemony battle for
historical supremacy."
While distortions and myths of
Native American culture plague many schools, textbooks often fail to mention
Native history after the 19th century. In a 2015 study, scholars Antonio
Castro, Ryan Knowles, Sarah Shear, and Gregory Soden examined the state
standards for teaching Native American history and culture in all 50 states and
found that 87 percent of references to American Indians are in a
pre-1900s context. (Washington is the only state in the union that
uses the word "genocide" in its 5th grade U.S. history standards and
teaching of Native peoples' history.) In short, existing Native nations and
land bases aren't identified, and Native people are dealt with as historical
figures, implying their extinction.
"Indigenous students are vital
and active participants in our society —not a vanished population."
No student can have a full
understanding of U.S. history and contemporary society, nor can educators
understand the inherited trauma Indigenous students still experience, as a
result of this denial. From the colonial period to the nation's founding to the
20th century, Indigenous people have endured torture, sexual abuse, massacres,
systematic military occupations, removals from their ancestral territories, and
forced attendance at military-style boarding schools. Both the U.S. Army and
the federal government experimented with residential schools during the 19th
century. In 1879, Richard H. Pratt established and became the superintendent of
the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania—the prototype for the
many militaristic federal schools that would soon crop up across the continent.
And dozens of Christian missionary boarding schools augmented this landscape.
The stated goal of the boarding
schools was assimilation into the dominant culture, but the intent was cultural
genocide. Indigenous children were prohibited from and beaten for speaking
their mother tongues or practicing their religions, among other infractions
that expressed their humanity. This while being indoctrinated in the beliefs of
Christianity. Generations of Native students, stripped of the languages and
skills of their communities, were traumatized—an effect that has contributed
significantly to the family and social dysfunction still found in Native communities.
By the mid-1960s, educators
developed multiculturalism in response to Native peoples' demands for
decolonization. But in order to affirm the U.S. origin story of democracy and
progress, Indigenous nations and histories were excluded. Treaty- and
territorially based Native people in North America were transformed by
multicultural education into an inchoate oppressed racial group.
Multiculturalism emphasizes the
"contributions" of oppressed groups to the United States' presumed
greatness. Indigenous people were credited with contributing corn and maple
syrup, buckskin and parkas, log cabins and canoes, and even the concept of
democracy. This idea of the gift-giving Native who enriched the development of
the United States, still perpetuated in schools today, is an insidious smoke
screen. It obscures the fact that the very existence of the country is a result
of looting an entire continent and displacing Indigenous people.
It is essential that U.S. schools
finally come to terms both with the profound miseducation of Indigenous
students and with an inaccurate K-12 curriculum of Indigenous history.
Indigenous students are vital and active participants in our society—not a
vanished population. Though schools have not done right by Native students in
the past, it is now, more than ever, the responsibility of educators to admit
education's stereotypes and flaws; accurately teach Native students about the
past; honor their history; and prepare them for their future. If schools begin
to address the injustices of the past, they can start work toward a more just
and equal future for Native students.
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz is the author
or editor of eight books, including "All the Real Indians Died Off"
and 20 Other Myths About Native Americans with co-author Dina Gilio-Whitaker
(Beacon Press, 2016) and An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States
(Beacon Press, 2014). Originally from rural Oklahoma, she is the daughter of a
tenant farmer and a mother of American Indian descent.
Vol. 36, Issue 14, Pages 22-23
Published in Print: November 30,
2016, as On Not Erasing the Native American
Page 9 of the report has Native American Disproportionality
Rates by State. 21 states have over-representation of Native kids in
care, including Michigan (1.3, and 1.9 in entries to care), Wisconsin
(4.1), Minnesota (13.9) and Iowa (4.5). Michigan, Wisconsin, and
Minnesota have worse numbers than 10 years ago (page 3).
[Note: There were 16 states who grabbed Native kids (85%) at an alarming rate pre-ICWA. Who were they? Those with the largest Native tribal populations like Michigan, South Dakota,Wisconsin and Minnesota. Things must change so Native foster families are now being recruited but the states are not cooperating - Is this racist? Trace]
By Stephen L. Pevar
Every schoolchild is taught that the holiday of Thanksgiving
commemorates the feast the Pilgrims arranged to thank the Indians for
their friendship, for sharing their land, and for showing them how to
grow, harvest, and store food. Accounts say that the generosity of the
Indians saved the colonists from starvation during the harsh New England
winter of 1620.
Very few schoolchildren are also taught, however, about the
deprivations and atrocities that occurred to the Indians afterwards,
first at the hands of the colonists and then by the United States
government. Ironically, if the United States believes today that it has a
poor immigration policy, imagine how self-destructive the Indians’
immigration policy was by welcoming the very people who would soon seek
to destroy them.
Within 100 years after the United States gained its independence from
Great Britain, tens of thousands of Indians were killed in wars
defending their homelands. The United States entered into nearly 400
treaties with Indian tribes between 1783 and 1871 (when Congress ended
treaty-making with the Indians), during a time when tribes were very
powerful. In exchange for Indians relinquishing most of their
territories and ending their defense of them, the US set aside smaller
portions of land that were forever guaranteed to the treaty tribe.
When the federal government became stronger, however, it broke
virtually all of these treaties and confiscated most of the land
guaranteed in them. During the 1830s, for instance, Indians living in
the Southeast were marched at bayonet point nearly 2000 miles to “Indian
Country,” now the state of Oklahoma, during which thousands died.
These land grabs and treaty abrogations were even approved by US Supreme Court. The case of Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock,
decided in 1903, involved an 1867 treaty in which Congress guaranteed
the Kiowa and Comanche Tribes that no additional land would be taken
from their reservation unless the tribes gave their express
consent. Several years later, the federal government took additional
land despite opposition from the tribes. The Supreme Court held that
Congress has “plenary power” (full and complete authority) over the
Indians and can break a treaty essentially whenever it wishes.
Lone Wolf the Younger, Kiowa. Photo by De Lancey W. Gill. Public domain via Wikipedia Commons.
In addition to taking Indian land, the federal government, during the
latter part of the 1800s, encouraged social reformers and missionaries
to remove Indian children from their reservation homes and place them in
boarding schools (sometimes thousands of miles away), where their
Indian culture was literally beaten out of them. The government also
prevented the Indians from leaving their reservations to obtain food,
and many Indians starved to death. When some Plains tribes continued to
resist placement on reservations, the government began slaughtering the
bison on which they depended. Millions of bison were killed and left to
rot, until by 1900, there were less than a thousand bison left. With
their food gone, Indians were forced to surrender. Hatred for the
Indians was so profound that General Sheridan, when told by one Indian
that he was a “good Indian,” reportedly smirked and said, “The only good
Indians I ever saw were dead.” Sheridan was one of the generals who
ordered the slaughtering of the bison.
During the past 50 years, conditions have improved for most tribes as
a result of a shift in public attitude towards Indians and a change in
congressional policies. A few tribes have even become wealthy as a
result of casinos. But conditions on most reservations remain
substandard and impoverished. As President Barack Obama noted in
November 2009, the unemployment rate on some Indian reservations is 80%,
nearly a quarter of all Indians live in poverty, 14% of all reservation
homes don’t have electricity, and 12% don’t have access to a safe water
supply.
Non-Indians often wonder why more Indians haven’t left the
reservation to seek a “better” life. But this underestimates and
misunderstands the importance to many Indians of their tradition,
culture, and religion, much of which is tied to the land. Whereas
millions of immigrants came to the United States to join the “melting
pot,” many Indians have resisted assimilation and remain deeply rooted
in their ancestral homelands.
For those non-Indians who wish to commemorate the origins of
Thanksgiving, there are many ways to do so. One would be to urge public
schools to tell the whole story about the Indian experience. Another
would be to lobby Congress to enact more helpful Indian policies and
programs. A third would be to donate to organizations that give
assistance to Indians in their efforts to rejuvenate their governments
and restore their economic, political, and social structures, such as
the Native American Rights Fund, the Association of American Indian Affairs, the National Indian Child Welfare Association, and the National Congress of American Indians, among many.
Thanksgiving is a wonderful holiday. Hopefully, this year and in
years to come we will spend part of the holiday reflecting on its
origins and dedicating ourselves to fostering the values of the Indians
who selflessly assisted their new neighbors.
Stephen L. Pevar is the author of The Rights of Indians and Tribes,
Fourth Edition. He is a senior staff counsel of the American Civil
Liberties Union. Mr. Pevar worked for Legal Services on the Rosebud
Sioux Reservation from 1971-1974, and taught Federal Indian Law at the
University of Denver School of Law from 1983-1999. He has litigated
numerous Indian rights cases and has lectured extensively on the
subject.
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